89-90.
... Add tags for "L' union sacrée : 1914". In both, the war was overwhelmingly interpreted as a defensive conflict, forced on the country by external enemies. L'union sacrée (French for Sacred Union) was a political truce in France in which the left-wing agreed, during World War I, not to oppose the government or to call any strike. The inclusion of a "red" in the government remained inconceivable on all sides. International Encyclopedia of the First World War, ed. L'union sacrée. The essay will also address the related question of how strong or tenuous this consensus about national defense remained over the course of the war.One of the most significant – yet least discussed – characteristics of the First World War is that it was basically a conflict among millions of uniformed civilians. However, the discourse of defensive war was stronger and more durable in France, for the Germans actually had invaded. The following sources offer a highly vivid impression of this internal dispute and the inability during that time to evade the " Thus the well-founded reasoning of Miller, Susanne: Burgfrieden and Klassenkampf, Düsseldorf 1974, p. 68. In 1916, the prominent literary critic At the end of 1916, the industrialization of the "Great War" reached a new level with the implementation of the so-called "Hindenburg Program." Jung, Werner: August Bebel, deutscher Patriot und internationaler Sozialist. See esp. As a consequence the “Krumeich, Gerd: Burgfrieden/Union sacrée , in: 1914-1918-online. From September 1914 on, the From the outset, the government sought to use the "Nonetheless, the view was also common that the truce could be but a temporary response to the plight of the fatherland. August 1914 in Deutschland öffentlich oder geheim verbreitet wurden, mit einem Anhang: Antiannexionistische Kundgebungen, Lausanne 1917 (Ndr.

Der Alldeutsche Verband 1890-1939, Hamburg 2003, p. 240ff. Please improve this article by adding a reference. However, the Socialist "comrades" were not present for this scene. Ambivalente Reaktionen der deutschen Öffentlichkeit auf den Kriegsbeginn 1914, issued by Clio Online, online: For an overview, see: Becker, 1914. Given the incontrovertible fact that the advancing German armies had already drawn close to France, the sacred union was neither questioned nor contested. On 29 July, the left-leaning "La Lanterne" demanded an "armistice" among the parties.Under these circumstances, the funeral of Jean Jaurès on 3 August, who had been murdered on the evening of 31 July by a nationalist fanatic, itself became a demonstration of the new national unity. Das Manifest der 93 und die Anfänge der Kriegspropaganda im Ersten Weltkrieg, Frankfurt 2013. Die “Ideen von 1914” und die Neuordnung Deutschlands im Ersten Weltkrieg, Berlin 2003; Bruendel, Steffen: Solidaritätsformel oder politisches Ordnungsmodell? French original trailer to Alexandre Arcady's L'UNION SACREE. Here the leader of the revolutionary With this spontaneous outburst, Jouhaux redirected the longstanding struggle of the revolutionary syndicalists against militarism and war without seeming to abandon his principles altogether. It rested on the belief, which was anchored in the French public, that German aggression alone had caused the war. The shock over German mobilization did not suddenly surge into a belief that French retaliation and the reconquest of In the constitutional monarchy of Imperial Germany, on the other hand, such a demonstration of parliamentary solidarity was impossible. ): Der Schlieffenplan. cheminsdememoire.gouv.fr. Actes du colloque de Paris, 22 et 23 Octobre 1991, in: Cahiers Jaurès 3, pp. Comment les Français sont entrés dans la guerre, Paris 1977, which discusses the question of whether this arrangement was made at the request of local prefects and sub-prefects (from 31 July (!)). Soutou, Georges-Henri: Die Kriegsziele des Deutschen Reiches und der französischen Republik, in: Pyta and Kretschmann, Burgfrieden und Union sacrée 2011, pp. (1989) Featurring: Richard Berry, Claude Brasseur, & Amidou Hence the title of the seminal book by Kocka, Jürgen: Klassengesellschaft im Krieg. 288-289. 276-277, arrives at entirely similar findings, even if he is (overly) critical of Becker. This essay will examine the reasons why both nations believed they were in a legitimate war of defense, for which domestic unity was the indispensable precondition.

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